
WHERE WILD
ROSES BLOOM
by
Claude Arpi
published in dailypioneer.com on June 2005
http://www.dailypioneer.com
Once
upon a time, a small Yarkandi village stood guarding the entrance of
a mighty glacier of the Karakoram range. It was a meeting place for
Balti traders to barter their goods with Central Asian merchants. One
day the Yarkandis decided to visit their southern neighbours; they descended
from the glacier, but before returning north, they could not resist
taking away a beautiful Balti girl.
The
offence could not remain unpunished; the Yarkandi village had to pay
for its crime. The Baltis contacted a local cleric, who gave them a
taweez (amulet) to be placed on summit of the Bilafond-la pass. The
villagers were told to strictly follow the priest's instructions and
come back via Nubra valley.
However, the Baltis
performed only the first part of the ritual. After leaving the taweez
on the pass, they did not use the Nubra track to return. Legend says
that a terrible storm destroyed the Yarkandi village; only a few stones
and wild roses remained.
The priest later explained
why the roses did not disappear; his instructions had not been fully
followed. Result: Wild roses could still grow in the area. This glacier
is known as the Siachen ('Sia' is rose, 'chen' is place)-the place where
roses bloom. This is one of the many myths around the area. But there
are also political myths anchored to the 72 km long glacier.
One such legend is
that Pakistani troops are occupying the glacier. If you regularly read
the Pakistani press, you are informed that Islamabad is ready to "withdraw
its troops from the glacier" if New Delhi accepts to reciprocate.
According to Islamabad, "demilitarisation" is the solution.
General Pervez Musharraf has even declared that he finds the issue "actually
troublesome for both sides and it is an unnecessary irritant which can
be resolved".
But the point is that
Pakistan does not occupy the glacier and never did (though it did try
in 1983-84). Later in 1984, India took full control of the area as well
as most of the peaks of the Saltoro range. Today, the legend of Pakistan
occupying the glacier is even less credible than the Balti girl's story,
but the disinformation continues.
The Pakistani President
(and his predecessors as well) has been able to spread false propaganda
travelling far and wide. Take, for example, a paper published by the
Congressional Research Service (CRS) of the US Library of Congress.
Titled, 'Pakistan's Domestic Political Developments', which was updated
on February 14, 2005. It shows a map of Pakistan with the entire glacier
as occupied by that country.
The CRS is supposed
to have been created by the US Congress "in order to have its own
source of non-partisan, objective analysis and research on all legislative
issues". Indeed, the sole mission of CRS is to serve the United
States Congress. What an objective and non-partisan service indeed!
And of course, nobody in South Block bothers to complain to "our
American friends"!
It is necessary to
make a quick return to the past to understand the history of the LoC
and the glacier. Following the ceasefire of January 1, 1949, the military
representatives of India and Pakistan met in Karachi between July 18
and 27, 1949, under the auspices of the United Nations Commission for
India and Pakistan. An agreement was reached and the Line of Ceasefire
(today's LoC) was demarcated. The last point on the map was known as
'NJ 9842'. Nobody thought of going further north at that time. The agreement
of July 1949, mentioned therefore that the Line extended "thence
north to the glaciers" without going into the details.
The important point
which is often forgotten now has been pointed out by General SK Sinha,
the Governor of J&K, who participated in the Karachi negotiations
as the ADC to General Shrinagesh, the head of the Indian delegation.
Before leaving for Karachi, the delegates had a briefing from Nehru
and the Secretary General of the MEA, Sir Girja Shankar Bajpai, who
explained the legal position in detail to the delegates.
He told them that the
resolution of August 1948 "had conceded the legality of Kashmir's
accession to India and as such no man's land, if any, should be controlled
by India during the period of ceasefire and truce. This meant that the
onus of proof to convince the commission of any factual position, on
the date of ceasefire, in any disputed territory, rested with Pakistan.
"In the absence
of any such convincing proof, and even if India had no troops on the
date of ceasefire in that area, the disputed territory should automatically
come under Indian control. This convincing and legalistic argument proved
a trump card in our hands at Karachi. Based on this, we obtained control
of several hundred square miles of State territory where we were not
in position on the date of the ceasefire."
This position was then
accepted by Pakistan and the UN. It remains valid today. Even if not
demarcated, the glacier legally belongs to India. More, the area (including
the Saltoro range) has been in the physical possession of the Indian
troops since in 1984. In the early '80s, Islamabad had tried to occupy
the glacier under the cover of mountaineering expeditions, but the Indian
Army intervened in time and took control. This was the beginning of
the conflict.
What disturbs me most
is seeing the Indian press biting the Pakistani propaganda bait. Take,
for example, a reputed national weekly which regularly publishes the
map of Jammu & Kashmir with a different colour for the Siachen-as
if the glacier is were disputed.
After the recent dialogue
on Siachen between the defence secretaries of India and Pakistan which
concluded without any agreement, many newspapers spoke of "failure
of the talks". Does it mean that a unilateral withdrawal from the
glacier would have been a "success"?
General Musharraf likes
to quote the Fifth Round of talks in 1989: "Yes, indeed there was
an agreement in 1989. And that Agreement was based on reallocation of
the Siachen." This is far from true. The negotiations saw a hardening
of the position of the Pakistan military and, finally, the talks broke
down. However, a communique was issued stating that "both sides
would work towards a comprehensive settlement" in future talks.
It was conveniently interpreted in Pakistan as meaning that India would
unilaterally withdraw from the glacier.
India's position has
always been clear: Delhi is ready to concede a redeployment zone for
the sake of a compromise; but, as General VR Raghavan who has been involved
in the earlier negotiations, wrote: "First, each side should acknowledge
its current position before a disengagement commences. Second, there
should be a high level of assurance that neither side would breach the
agreed formula." This would require mutual verification and surveillance.
It is what General
JJ Singh, the Chief of the Army Staff, reiterated when he asked Pakistan
to accept the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) along the 72 km long
glacier before even talking of 'redeployment'. But Pakistan today, like
15 years ago, is not ready to admit that its troops are not positioned
on the glacier.
This is the reason
why it refuses to acknowledge the AGPL. The Indian negotiators, who
have managed to remain "on their ground position" while agreeing
to keep the ceasefire and "continue talks in the future",
deserve to be complimented. It is true that the Pakistani intrusions
in Kargil ordered by General Pervez Musharraf in 1999 have helped New
Delhi to better understand the mind of Pakistani leaders. To kidnap
a beautiful girl is easy, it is not quite as easy to get her back home.
