India finds itself a prisoner of its own unwise
and unwarranted over-anxiety for a thaw in Indo-Pakistan relations.
This over-anxiety has made us mute spectators of continued use of jihadi
terrorism by Pakistan
In an article of November
22, 2004, on Indo-Pakistani relations, I had written as follows:
The positive factors
noticed since the beginning of the year should not be interpreted as
indicating the beginning of the end of Pakistani-sponsored terrorism.
Musharraf has retained his capability to step on the terrorism accelerator
once again, if needed. The terrorist infrastructure in Pakistani territory
in the form of training camps and sanctuaries remains intact and he
has not taken any action to arrest the over 20 Indian and Pakistani
terrorists, including Dawood Ibrahim, wanted for trial in India and
hand them over to the Indian authorities.
While the US has definitely
pressurised him to reduce, if not stop, the infiltrations, its pressure,
if there has been any, on him to put an end to the terrorist infrastructure
and arrest the Indian terrorists in Pakistani territory and hand them
over to India has not produced results.
Musharraf's calculation
is that so long as he keeps the jihadi terrorism confined to J&K
and concentrated on the security forces without indiscriminate killing
of innocent civilians, the international community in general and the
US in particular would remain inclined to agree with his projection
of the happenings in J&K as a freedom struggle and not terrorism
and would not exercise undue pressure on Pakistan to stop even this.
One should not be surprised if his calculation proves right.
Two subsequent developments
should be of great concern to India. The first relates to Gen. Pervez
Musharraf's meeting with President George Bush in Washington DC on December
4, 2004, and the second to the casualties suffered by the Indian security
forces in J&K in two terrorist strikes coinciding with his visit.
The first took place just before his arrival in the US and the second
on the day of his talks with Bush.
Musharraf's visit to
the US was preceded by a notification sent by the Bush Administration
to the Congress of its intention to give to Pakistan another military
package amounting to US $ 1.3 billion. The earlier post-9/11 military
lollipops to Musharraf were projected by the Bush Administration to
India as counter-terrorism equipment meant for use against the Taliban
and Al Qaeda dregs near the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. The explanation
sounded plausible.
The latest package
has no counter-terrorism value. It consists of items such as Orion naval
surveillance aircraft, which could be used by Pakistan only against
India and not against Al Qaeda or the Taliban. Musharraf has managed
to get from the US all that he wanted except the F-16 aircraft. According
to him, the F-16 request was discussed by him with Bush, but there was
no announcement on this. It is only a question of time before he gets
even this.
Our concerns are going
to be of no avail in Washington DC, so long as it continues to look
upon Musharraf as one of the main guarantors of homeland security in
the US by keeping the Al Qaeda in disarray through his military operations,
ostensibly directed against Al Qaeda dregs in Pakistani territory.
As I had pointed out
in a recent paper on terrorism in Afghanistan and Central Asia, Musharraf
has once again demonstrated his usefulness to the Bush Administration
not only by preventing the Taliban from disrupting the Presidential
elections in Afghanistan in October, 2004, but also by ensuring the
victory of Hamid Karzai in the first round itself, by mobilising the
Pashtun votes in Karzai's favour on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan
border. Without the absentee ballots in his favour from Pakistan, Karzai
was very unlikely to have won in the first round itself.
The US has refused to recognise the fairness
of the elections in Ukraine, inter alia, on the ground that Moscow manipulated
the absentee ballots of the Ukrainians living in Russia to ensure the
defeat of a pro-US candidate. But, it had hastened to proclaim the fairness
of the elections in Afghanistan despite a similar manipulation of the
absentee Pashtun votes by Musharraf's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)
to ensure the victory of Karzai, who enjoys the US benediction.
With Musharraf's continuing
usefulness for ensuring homeland security in the US and the US strategic
interests in Afghanistan thus proved, there ought to be no surprise
that the question of the continuing anti-India terrorist infrastructure
in Pakistani territory received no mention, either before, during or
after Musharraf's pow-wow with Bush.
The Washington meeting
was preceded by a raid by terrorists into a special operations group's
camp in Sopore in J&K in which five para-military personnel were
reportedly killed. Coinciding with the Washington meeting, the Hizbul
Mujahideen (HM), whose leader Syed Salahuddin continues to operate from
his sanctuary in Pakistan, blew up with a remote-controlled landmine
a military vehicle at village Nain Batapora in south Kashmir's Pulwama
district, killing nine military personnel and two civilians.
What do these terrorist
strikes indicate?
First, they underline
once again his confidence that he has nothing to fear from the US so
long as he keeps the jihadi terrorist strikes confined to Kashmiri territory
and directed against the Indian security forces.
Second, they are meant
to convey a message to public opinion in Pakistan that his close relations
with the US and his co-operation with it in the so-called war against
Al Qaeda would not come in the way of Pakistan's continuing proxy war
against India in J&K.
India finds itself a prisoner of its own
unwise and unwarranted over-anxiety for a thaw in Indo-Pakistan relations.
This over-anxiety has made us mute spectators of continued use of jihadi
terrorism by Pakistan against India lest any public articulation of
our concerns come in the way of this chimera of a thaw and be viewed
by the international community negatively.
Under normal circumstances,
India would have been and should have been in the forefront of those
drawing the attention of the international community to the over 200
references to Pakistan and terrorism in the report of the US National
Commission on 9/11, to the role of Dr. A.Q.Khan, Pakistan's nuclear
scientist, with the consent of Gen.Mirza Aslam Beg, Gen. Jehangir Karamat
and Gen.Musharraf, in assisting Iran and North Korea in acquiring a
military nuclear capability and to the continuing Pakistani sponsorship
of jihadi terrorism directed against India and to its repeated violation
of the provisions of the UN Security Council Resolution No.1373 relating
to sanctuaries to terrorists.
But, since the meeting
between former Prime Minister A.B.Vajpayee and Musharraf in Islamabad
in January 2004, we have been observing a strange silence on all these
issues . Have our silence and inaction benefited us? No. It has only
benefited Pakistan by encouraging it to continue on its present path
and by helping it to rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the international
community.
By our silence, we
are unwittingly letting ourselves become the objective allies of Musharraf
in his efforts to keep us bleeding.
(B. Raman is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet
Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute
for Topical Studies, Chennai, and Distinguished Fellow and Convenor,
Observer Research Foundation (ORF), Chennai Chapter)